As a collaborative fund committed to achieving gender parity in U.S. elected office by 2050, The Ascend Fund invests in nonpartisan nonprofit organizations across the country that are dedicated to a future where women have equal political representation. Since launching in 2020, The Ascend Fund’s portfolio has grown to include 36 national and state-level partners, with more than USD 10.2 million awarded in general operating support to resource women’s political leadership. You can read about our most recent round of grantee partners here.
At the core of The Ascend Fund’s work is the understanding that a variety of systemic barriers prevent women of all identities and backgrounds from running for office and winning. In 2025, women make up more than half of the U.S. population, yet in 2024, they made up only 32.8% of our country's elected leaders. To put it simply, women need a proportional seat at the table—and The Ascend Fund is committed to making that happen.
The Ascend Fund’s grantmaking focuses on investing in women aspiring to elected office at the state and local levels, because we know that this is where some of the most consequential decisions concerning women’s lives are made.
Specifically, we prioritize organizations that:
In addition to funding, The Ascend Fund offers its grantee partners 1:1 engagement opportunities with Fund staff and access to peer learning communities with other Fund partners. We are dedicated to this multi-pronged approach because we believe that holistic investments in a network of organizations will lead to more women running for elected office – and winning.
As an intermediary funder with experience bringing nonpartisan organizations together in community across the country and the democracy ecosystem, we have a bird’s eye view of the issues affecting women’s political leadership and representation in 2025. This post-election report presents our findings and analysis, and highlights innovative work that organizations are doing to support women’s leadership.
The analysis draws on election outcome data from the Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP), highlighting results from races in Michigan, Mississippi and Washington—the three pilot states for The Ascend Fund’s grantmaking strategy from 2020-2023. Drawing on The Ascend Fund’s history of working in these three states, the report presents a hypothesis for the varied electoral outcomes and elaborates on trends in systemic barriers that women leaders are facing in these states – and that are also relevant nationwide. Finally, the report concludes with a targeted list of recommendations for funders seeking to invest in women’s political leadership in 2025 and beyond.
The 2024 election cycle is a reminder that progress towards equal representation in politics is neither linear nor guaranteed. As the data below illustrates, the issue of gender parity in politics is a shared challenge across Michigan, Mississippi, and Washington, transcending their distinct cultural, economic, and social contexts. Across these states, the push for gender parity underscores the universal need to create inclusive pathways for women of all identities and backgrounds in politics, ensuring that their voices are represented in shaping the policies that affect their communities. This election data is accurate as of the publication date.
Michigan saw a mix of victories for women candidates across its statewide executive and congressional races:
The overall number of seats held by women in the legislature remained the same (40%), with a decrease of three seats held by Democrat women and an increase of three seats held by Republican women.
Women representatives will hold six of Michigan’s 13 seats (46%) in the next U.S. House of Representatives, with victories from Hillary Scholten (D-03), Debbie Dingell (D-06), Kristen McDonald Rivet (D-08), Lisa McClain (R-09), Haley Stevens (D-11) and Rashida Tlaib (D-12).
Elissa Slotkin (D), a former U.S. Representative, won the open Senate seat, succeeding Senator Debbie Stabenow. She will join Senator Gary Peters (D) in the U.S. Senate in January.
Michigan ranks 14th out of 50 states in terms of the percentage of women in statewide elected office. In the state legislature, 39.9% of the 148 seats are held by women. Three of the four statewide elective executive positions are held by women (75%). At the federal level, 46.7% of the 15 seats in the U.S. Congress are held by women. Women make up 50.4% of the general population in Michigan, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.
In the 2024 election cycle, Mississippi did not see significant shifts in women's representation. Here are some of the results:
Lynn Fitch (R) won re-election as Attorney General, remaining the only woman holding statewide elective executive office in Mississippi.
There was only a single woman candidate (Dianne Black – D) between the four Mississippi house races this cycle. After losing to Trent Kelly (R), Mississippi remains the only state to have never sent a woman to the U.S. House of Representatives.
Mississippi ranks 48th out of 50 states in terms of the percentage of women in statewide elected office. In the state legislature, only 15.5% of the 174 seats are held by women. At the federal level, only one of six seats for Mississippi in the U.S. Congress is held by a woman (16.7%). According to the U.S. Census Bureau, women account for 51.5% of the general population in Mississippi.
Washington saw several women elected to office at both the state and federal levels during the 2024 election cycle:
Natasha Hill (D-03), Victoria Hunt (D-05), and Lisa Parshley (D-22) were among the newly elected State Representatives to the Washington State Legislature this cycle, bringing new voices and perspectives to the House.
Overall, women were elected or re-elected to 65 out of 147 possible seats in the WA state legislature (44.2%).
Patty Kuderer (D), a current Washington state senator, was elected as Washington's Insurance Commissioner.
Pat McCarthy (D) retained her position as State Auditor.
Incumbent women representatives Pramila Jayapal (D-07), Kim Schrier (D-08), and Marilyn Strickland (D-10), successfully defended their seats and will be seated in the 119th Congress.
Emily Randall won the open seat for Washington’s 6th congressional district. Once seated in January 2025, Randall will become the first openly queer Latina to serve in the U.S. House of Representatives.
Sen. Maria Cantwell (D) won her fifth term in the U.S. Senate. She rejoins colleague Sen. Patty Murray (D) in the next Congress, making Washington one of only four states in the U.S. who are represented by two women in the Senate.
Washington ranks 4th out of 50 states in terms of the percentage of women in statewide elected office. In the state legislature, 44.2% of the 147 seats are held by women. At the federal level, women hold eight of the 12 seats for Washington in the U.S. Congress (66.7%). Women make up 49.6% of the general population in Washington, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.
The disparities in women’s political representation in Michigan, Mississippi, and Washington are shaped by a variety of influences, including differences in state-level electoral structures and candidate recruitment practices, as well as political culture, historical precedents, and socioeconomic conditions unique to each state.
Washington benefits from its top two primary electoral system that encourages broader competition and allows strong candidates, including women, to rise above party dynamics. Additionally, Washington’s active recruitment networks, supported by both grassroots organizations and political leaders, play a significant role in equipping women leaders with the resources and mentorship needed to succeed in elections. Michigan, with its traditional primary system and mix of urban and rural districts, has seen progress in some areas but still faces challenges in recruiting women to run for office, particularly in competitive rural districts. In Mississippi, a lack of well-established recruitment pipelines for women candidates, limited competitive districts, and a history of voter suppression have resulted in incumbents—typically white men—to maintain their positions, leaving fewer opportunities for new and diverse female candidates to emerge.
Although this is not an exhaustive analysis, these differences in electoral processes, recruitment support systems, and historical and/or structural factors, can help explain why the level of women’s representation varies significantly across the three states. Further, by examining election outcomes alongside systemic barriers present in each state, we can identify consistent trends that women aspiring to public office face nationwide, regardless of state or political affiliation.
Women face significant challenges when running for office, including disparities in access to campaign funding, political networks, and party support. These obstacles can be particularly pronounced for women juggling caregiving roles or coming from less traditional backgrounds. In many cases, cultural attitudes and outdated gender norms about women in leadership perpetuate these challenges, creating a cycle that can make it harder for women to break through to be elected. For some, these difficulties are compounded by the overlapping pressures of class, geography, ethnic background, and other factors. Addressing these challenges requires creating a level playing field that ensures all women have equal access to resources, networks, and opportunities to lead.
Here are some of the ongoing trends affecting women aspiring to elected office:
Gender disparities in campaign financing force women to put in more effort, for fewer campaign dollars. Female candidates often struggle to secure campaign financing on par with male counterparts, affecting their ability to run competitive races. A Detroit Metro Times article highlighted CAWP data that demonstrates how women candidates, particularly women of color, receive fewer grants and donations from big-dollar donors compared to their male counterparts. As a result, women candidates are often forced to rely on individual small-dollar donations that require more extensive outreach and continued cultivation efforts.
Women are less likely to be able to self-fund their campaigns, due to economic inequality: The broader gender pay gap means women, especially working mothers, may struggle to self-fund campaigns or compensate for gaps in donor support. A 2023 research paper from political scientists at University of California, Irvine found that more than 40% of non-incumbent general election winners of congressional races from 1984-2022 contributed at least USD 10,000 of their own personal funds to their campaigns. The personal financial commitment that comes with running for office puts political aspirations out of reach for many.
This issue is stark in states like Mississippi, where high poverty rates are compounded with a significant gender and racial pay gap (Black women earn only 56.2 cents for every dollar earned by white men – the largest gender pay gap in the United States). Research from CAWP reveals that women across the country face these economic constraints as well.
Race is definitely at play here. When discussing the wage gap, we also talk about who it impacts. And it’s impacting Black and Brown women, who are facing not only racial discrimination but also gender discrimination. And we know that discrimination runs deep.
– Cassandra Welchlin, Executive Director, Mississippi Black Women’s Roundtable
Source: Cassandra Welchlin on the Wage Gap for Black Women – MSBWR
The availability (or lack thereof) of affordable childcare can make or break a caregiver’s ability to run for public office. With many state legislatures operating full time, candidates who are mothers and primary caregivers may struggle to manage the demands of public office with their caregiving roles. Mothering Justice, a Detroit-based organization focused on providing policy resources for mothers and caregivers, advocates for economic policies like paid family leave because this directly affects potential candidates’ financial stability and ability to run for office.
We have a Mamas’ Agenda that was cultivated through a participatory process with our moms. They basically told us what is affecting their financial stability. We've won on several of those issues, including paid leave and minimum wage. We also have leadership development. If they want to run for office, we've got a fellowship for that. If they want to do civic engagement, we have that fellowship. If they consider themselves an ally, we've got a fellowship for that.
- Danielle Atkinson, National Executive Director and Founder, Mothering Justice
Source: Mothering Justice "Mamas' Agenda" Addresses Childcare and Early Childhood Education
Research from the Center for American Progress (CAP) has also shown that rural families are significantly more likely to live in childcare deserts compared to urban families. When we compare the percentage of the population that lives in a rural area in Washington (16.6% rural) with Mississippi (53.7% rural) for example, there is a clear correlation between rurality and a lack of affordable childcare options. Washington state has made strides in promoting childcare access for families, but many rural areas still lack resources. In Mississippi, there is a scarcity of affordable childcare options across the entire state, exacerbating the already significant economic hurdles that women aspiring to public office face.
Hate speech, harassment and threats of political violence are dissuading women from running for local office, putting the entire leadership pipeline at risk. Women aspiring to public office, especially those who are women of color, face heightened threats both online and in person. An October 2024 report from the Center for Democracy & Technology at the University of Pittsburgh found that women of color leaders—and Black women leaders in particular—are “subject to more offensive speech [online] overall, and specifically more to hate speech, than other candidates.” This is true across the country and presents a formidable barrier to entry. Additionally, several high-profile threats of physical violence over the past few years have called attention to political violence against women elected officials. Governor Gretchen Whitmer (D) of Michigan was famously the target of a kidnapping plot in 2020. Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D) of Washington has faced death threats by armed men outside her home.
Normalization of threats against women in politics only serves to discourage women from seeking or remaining in political office – especially at the local level. Because running for local office is often the entry point into the political leadership pipeline, this is particularly concerning for the future of women’s equal political representation. However, democracy groups are organizing around this issue—Women's Democracy Lab’s Safety in Service program is an excellent example of an organization that is taking a deliberate and proactive approach to encourage women leaders to think about their safety, and to push back on the normalization of political violence in the national political discourse.
Networking and infrastructure challenges make it harder for women aspiring to public office to break in: Political parties play a pivotal role in candidate selection and support. Women often face challenges in gaining access to influential networks within their parties, particularly in rural areas where more traditional and male-dominated structures persist. While organizations like the Ghosh Innovation Lab advocate for systemic change in Washington by fostering inclusive state leadership pipelines, these efforts require broader institutional buy-in at the national level to achieve significant impact.
Racial discrimination and voter suppression tactics make it especially difficult for Black women leaders to get elected: Mississippi's history of racial segregation and disenfranchisement continues to impact Black women disproportionately. Tactics like voter ID laws, limited access to polling places, and gerrymandering contribute to structural disadvantages for Black women aspiring to office. These barriers limit political engagement, hinder the ability of candidates to mobilize voters effectively, and stop voters from making their candidate preferences heard. Organizations like the Mississippi Black Women’s Roundtable are vital in addressing these challenges, advocating for voter engagement, Black women’s leadership development and civic participation, and policies that reduce economic and racial inequities.
Lack of ongoing support once they are elected makes it harder for women to succeed: Women continue to face a lack of support once elected. Women of color in particular face heightened scrutiny, safety threats and systemic discrimination, usually without the necessary resources and community to navigate these challenges and the complexity of political roles. This situation sets women up for burnout, leading to a higher turnover rate among female politicians and fewer women in leadership positions long-term.
Fortunately, there is excellent work happening at both the national and state levels on this issue. Latinas Represent provides holistic support to Latina women aspiring to elected office, ensuring that Latinas have the support they need to succeed at every stage in the leadership pipeline. Restorative Democracy Project in Michigan and Runa Empowerment in Washington are two state-level groups that are employing community building and mentorship approaches to equip women of color leaders with the skills and peer comradery needed to successfully navigate their public service journeys.
Latinas Represent's holistic 360-degree approach supports Latinas throughout the public service continuum. Whether they are considering a run for office or are already elected officials, we provide tailored support through four pillars of engagement: capacity-building, research, storytelling, and community support. This approach ensures that Latinas enter public service and thrive in these spaces.
– Stephanie Lopez, Executive Director, Latinas Represent
Source: Hispanic Heritage Month: Q&A with Latinas Represent
While The Ascend Fund has noted the relevancy of these trends in the contexts of the three states highlighted in this report, it is important to acknowledge that these systemic barriers transcend state borders and they are, in fact, felt nationwide. In the next section, we outline a set of five recommendations for how democracy funders can support women’s political leadership, irrespective of any single state focus.
Funding for women’s political leadership in the U.S. currently follows the typical “boom and bust” trends that align with election cycles and the subsequent ebbs and flows of public attention on electoral politics. But there are no “off-years” for increasing women’s political leadership and representation. We need a sustained donor movement that can transcend these cycles and provide sustained investment over the long-term towards dismantling the systemic barriers that women leaders face over the course of their public service journeys.
Based on the systemic barriers identified in this report, The Ascend Fund offers these five recommendations for 501(c)(3) funders in the democracy space:
